{"id":14708,"date":"2021-04-21T06:01:54","date_gmt":"2021-04-21T11:01:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/jazairhope.org\/?p=14708"},"modified":"2021-04-21T06:01:54","modified_gmt":"2021-04-21T11:01:54","slug":"rock-the-casbah-tales-of-a-female-bomber","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jazairhope.org\/en\/rock-the-casbah-tales-of-a-female-bomber\/","title":{"rendered":"ROCK THE CASBAH: TALES OF A FEMALE BOMBER"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Source : A book review by LINCOLN KRAUS : https:\/\/warontherocks.com\/<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\"Semaine_Barricades_Alger_19602\"<\/div>\n
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Inside the Battle of Algiers: Memoir of a Woman Freedom Fighter<\/em><\/a>, by Zohra Drif-Bitat (Just World Books, 2017).<\/strong><\/p>\n

Late on a September afternoon in 1956 a young woman entered the Milk Bar, an Algiers cafe popular with European youth. She looked like an average well-to-do French-Algerian, who had stopped off after a day at the beach. In reality, however, she was an Algerian Muslim, her appearance altered to blend in with caf\u00e9\u2019s clientele. After eating ice cream, she departed. No one noticed that she had left behind a beach bag at the foot of the stool she had occupied. Minutes later, a bomb in the bag exploded.<\/p>\n

The terrorist attack on the Milk Bar is a key moment in the iconic\u00a0Battle of Algiers<\/em><\/a>, the docudrama that portrays a pivotal period in the National Liberation Front (FLN) insurgency to wrest Algeria from France. The film has always fascinated me as an entry into understanding the insurgency and the French counterinsurgency. I have assigned it for a class on insurgency that I teach at\u00a0Georgetown University<\/a>. Other scholars I know also include the film in their courses. Counterinsurgency practitioners too have gravitated toward the film. It was screened in the Pentagon in 2003 as the insurgency in Iraq deepened, and it remains a feature of formal and informal U.S. government training. I suspect security professionals from other nations similarly study the film, seeking lessons for how to counterinsurgency and terrorism.<\/p>\n

Terrorism was one of the main tactics of the FLN.\u00a0RAND researchers have concluded<\/a>\u00a0that \u201cthe FLN\u2019s main strength revolved around its expeditious use of terror to alter the political context of the Algerian conflict.\u201d The Milk Bar bombing and other FLN bombings depicted in film illustrate how the insurgents employed terrorism instrumentally \u2014 that is, as a means to further their strategic goals. Noted historian\u00a0Alistair Horne, commenting in 2004<\/a>, asserted that the\u00a0Battle of Algiers<\/em>\u00a0\u201cis very important \u2026 because it has lessons for, about, terrorism and the winning over of \u2014 you might call it \u2014 the silent majority [by the FLN].\u201d<\/p>\n

Neither the target \u2014 the civilian patrons of the Milk Bar \u2014 nor the effects of the bombing are fiction. Neither is the Francophone, European-appearing character who placed the bomb. Sixty years after the events portrayed in the film,<\/em>\u00a0the Milk Bar bomber, Zohra Drif, has published\u00a0Inside the Battle of Algiers,\u00a0<\/em>an English translation of her memoir of the period (the original volume, in French, came out in 2014).\u00a0<\/em>Drif has led an extraordinary life. She joined the FLN as a young law student and planted bombs that killed and maimed on the FLN\u2019s behalf. Arrested by the French Army and condemned to death, she was spared execution but instead spent only five years in a French prison. Liberated in the wake of French acquiescence to Algerian independence, Drif has since enjoyed a successful career in law and politics, culminating in her tenure as Vice President of the Algerian Senate. Although she vehemently disagrees with being labeled a terrorist, her book has much to say about terrorism, especially the FLN\u2019s moral and strategic justification for targeting European civilians. It also provides insights into a range of issues attendant to individual participation in terrorism and insurgency.<\/p>\n

As an academic and as a now-retired intelligence analyst, I regularly read first-person accounts by militants, seeking insights into their mindsets and strategic decision-making. I wholeheartedly concur with\u00a0terrorist scholars<\/a>\u00a0who suggest that militant autobiography can provide windows into the personalities and motives of terrorist participants and the operational challenges that militant groups face. Drif\u2019s memoir delivers on those expectations.<\/p>\n

First, Drif\u2019s account provides a rare perspective on a woman\u2019s participation in an insurgency. Although women have played and continue to play prominent roles in militant groups, biographies and autobiographies of militants are overwhelmingly focused on the male participant perspective. There are only a handful of narratives published by female members of the FLN, and Drif\u2019s is the only account that has been translated into English. Drif highlights the critical role that female militants played in couriering weapons, conducting pre-operational surveillance, organizing the Casbah\u2019s population, and, of course, carrying out terrorist attacks.<\/p>\n

The portrayal of the motives, actions, and emotions of Drif and her fellow bombers Djamila Bouhired and Samia Lakhdari are particularly well-drawn. Drif was, in modern parlance, self-radicalized. She came from an Algerian Muslim family with nationalistic sentiments, but was not an activist. The outbreak of the insurgency in 1954 spurred her to action. Drif was not so much recruited by the FLN as she sought it out. Her goal from the outset was to be a combatant. It was Drif, along with Lakhdari, who chose the Milk Bar and a cafeteria near the university as the targets for their attacks.<\/p>\n

Drif is unwavering and unapologetic over her role in killing and maiming\u00a0pied noir\u00a0<\/em>civilians. According to Drif, \u201cI was one of the armed partisans. I know my cause was just, and I fought with the means at hand.\u201d To French-Algerian civilians who died in FLN bombings and attacks she asserts \u201cyou died because you were among the hundreds of thousands of Europeans [that] were used to subjugate and occupy a foreign country.\u201d She even rejects the term \u201ccivilians,\u201d claiming that the so-called \u201ccivilian population\u201d were \u201cEuropean settlers who their army brought to colonize our country.\u201d She also believes FLN terror attacks were just retribution for French actions that killed Algerian civilians, which she maintained were many times worse that the bombings the FLN carried out. In a\u00a02004 documentary that accompanied a re-issue of\u00a0Battle of Algiers<\/em><\/a>,\u00a0<\/em>Drif asserted that \u201call we did was respond to their [European] violence. So honestly, for us, we were at war, and these were acts of war. No more, no less.\u201d<\/p>\n

Drif was more a foot soldier than an insurgent strategist, but she crossed paths with Larbi Ben M\u2019Hidi, one of the founders of the FLN, and spent considerable time with and was captured alongside Yacef Saadi, the political-military leader of the FLN Algeria Autonomous Zone. It was from these men that Drif learned the strategic purpose of her acts: to jar the European community out of its \u201cindecent tranquility,\u201d and awaken it to the \u201cbitter reality\u201d of \u201ctotal war\u201d that was being waged on Algerian civilians. Drif claims that the FLN aimed to demonstrate to the Algerian populace \u2014 and especially the residents of the Casbah \u2014 that it could defend them by retaliating for French attacks.<\/p>\n

Drif reveals much about the psychological burdens of life as an underground operative, especially through her recollection of the weeks she spent on the run dodging French raids that were rolling up the FLN Algiers infrastructure. Upon going underground, Drif confessed she felt \u201ca deep sense of loneliness\u2026.\u201d The recognition that \u201cmy life would never again be the same, that my daily routine would never again be so reassuring, made my throat clench up.\u201d The book\u2019s tensest passages are Drif\u2019s account of nightly moving from safe house to safe house, sweating out raids in cramped, hidden compartments and mourning as her comrades fell into the French dragnet.<\/p>\n

Drif also lays bare the emotion attendant to infiltration and treachery \u2014 the \u201cglowing torments of hell that is betrayal.\u201d Confronted with the fact that the FLN\u2019s Algiers military chief was a French informant and that his treachery led to her capture, Drif describes this realization as \u201cthe most bitter humiliation of my life. It was not that I was arrested, but that I was arrested because of the betrayal of one of our own.\u201d<\/p>\n

Given the tremendous pressure Drif endured and her deep sense of loss as her comrades were arrested or killed, it would be natural for her to have had second thoughts over her participation in the insurgency. But the reader will find no such sentiments. There are no misgivings and no regrets. Her account suggests many factors sustained her motivation. The FLN\u2019s Algiers network became her second family. Membership in this group sustained her will.<\/p>\n

Drif\u2019s account also reveals the deep patriotism that drove her participation in the insurgency, as well as a certainty of eventual victory that buoyed her fellow militants. At several points, Drif asserts that the French could not comprehend the determination of the Algerian people to gain their independence. Her account validates the observations of the late scholar\u00a0J. Bowyer Bell who asserted<\/a>\u00a0that that counterinsurgents find it difficult to credit rebel optimism and determination and the advantage they convey in insurgency. As he puts it, the \u201crebel vision makes a difference in the correlation of forces.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bell also cautioned that memoirs written by \u201cold rebels\u201d have limits. These former combatants \u201ctend to remember only the glory and excitement, not the brutality. [\u2026] Old rebels \u2026 have their agendas to fashion.\u201d Despite the insights Drif offers, readers should take Bell\u2019s warning into account when reading her narrative.<\/p>\n

Like the\u00a0Battle of Algiers<\/em>, Drif\u2019s account is laudatory of the FLN. It is essentially organizational hagiography. Criticism of the FLN and its actions is largely absent. Drif does credit a \u201cvile power struggle\u201d within the FLN for the assassination of a senior FLN figure who had journeyed to Morocco. Yet, she is silent on far greater internal FLN bloodletting.\u00a0A vast purge swept the FLN<\/a>, especially near Algiers, which largely unfolded after Drif\u2019s arrest. Nevertheless, if Drif had escaped Algiers to join the rural insurgency, she almost certainly would have been among the\u00a0thousands<\/em>\u00a0of FLN activists killed by their own, as the purge specifically targeted French-speaking, French-educated urban youth such as herself. Ironically, Drif was likely saved by her imprisonment.<\/p>\n

Drif\u2019s portrayals of her FLN companions are sympathetic to the point of stretching credibility. Readers familiar with the\u00a0Battle of Algiers<\/em>\u00a0may well have difficulty believing the highly-educated and refined Drif could so easily interact with Ali la Pointe, a central character in that movie.<\/em>\u00a0In the film and in real life, Ali was an illiterate, itinerant mason, as well as petty criminal. His \u201cconversion\u201d to the FLN cause while in prison and his death at the hands of the French are key moments in the film. Despite his cinematic portrayal, Ali was a thug \u2014 a pimp and a drug pusher,\u00a0according to Alistair Horne<\/a>. Yet Drif describes him as \u201cthe most just of the just\u201d and \u201cright and good.\u201d Drif heaps similar praise on other FLN figures she encountered.<\/p>\n

The reader should also keep in mind that the events related by Drif are more than six decades in the past \u2014 a distance too vast for precision. The exceptional detail she provides on her personal interactions and her conversations with comrades, friends and family simply stretch credibility. At the same time and despite the copious verbatim dialogue presented, Drif glosses over much operational detail, including her own actions \u2014 the Milk Bar bombing being a key exception.<\/p>\n

Drif\u2019s portrayal of French counterinsurgency is, as you would expect, one-sided. All French actions are portrayed as abusive, intended to punish potential FLN supporters as much as the FLN. Drif labels the French methods \u2014 incessant raids, checkpoints, bombing of French villages, collective punishment, and torture of suspects \u2014 as terrorism for their impact on Algerian civilians. She never describes her own actions as such.<\/p>\n

Despite Drif\u2019s portrayal, she obliquely reveals French counterinsurgency success. French intelligence achievements, including penetrating FLN structures, led directly to Drif\u2019s arrest and the arrest or death of the FLN\u2019s senior Algiers cadre. Drif admits that by the time of her capture at the end of the Battle of Algiers \u201c[t]he French Army had virtually decimated our political political-military organization and dealt fatal blows to the officer corps.\u201d Constant French pressure, arrests, and raids devastated FLN logistics in Algiers, leaving the group incapable of mounting high profile terrorist attacks, according to Drif. Most telling, Drif relates an episode late in the Battle of Algiers in which locals refused to shelter fugitive FLN militants. Their refusal led to her realizations that \u201cthe fear and terror inspired by the French army had surpassed our people\u2019s hatred of them. Terror and annihilation were stronger than people\u2019s real and sincere commitment of the ideal of independence and the FLN.\u201d<\/p>\n

Drif is, however, mum on the FLN\u2019s role in provoking the French violence she condemns. Provocation of repression and excess is an insurgent strategic approach employed across regions and eras. Its purpose is to spark ultimately counterproductive violence on the part of the counterinsurgents or the part of the population aligned with the counterinsurgency. This violence can diminish the image of the counterinsurgents in the eyes of domestic and international audiences, as well as drive the local population into the arms of the insurgency. Of course, the population, caught between insurgent violence and counterinsurgent excess, pays the price, but the insurgency itself can make tremendous gains. The FLN\u2019s actions \u2014 for example attacking French civilians in\u00a0Philippeville<\/a>\u00a0in 1955, which triggered a massacre of thousands of Algerian Muslims \u2014 played a critical role in swinging many Algerians towards the FLN. Despite her silence on the matter, Drif surely knew about \u2014 or subsequently learned about \u2014 the FLN\u2019s provocation approach.<\/p>\n

Any historical military campaign is a mosaic, best told from many viewpoints. Each will carry biases. Even well-regarded histories such as Alistair Horne\u2019s\u00a0Savage War of Peace<\/em>\u00a0have limitations. Despite standing as the definitive history of the conflict, Horne\u2019s work provides only a glimpse into the emotions attendant to the life and death struggle. Zohra Drif\u2019s memoir, despite its biases and deliberate omissions, provides a useful viewpoint to more fully understand the events of 1956 and 1957 in Algeria, especially the hopes and fears of the FLN combatants immersed in the Battle of Algiers.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Lincoln Krause recently retired after a 36 \u00bd year career as an intelligence officer. He served in the U.S. Army, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the Central Intelligence Agency. He is also an Adjunct Professor in the Security Studies Program of Georgetown University\u2019s Walsh School of Foreign Service.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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