{"id":97595,"date":"2024-01-19T15:40:42","date_gmt":"2024-01-19T14:40:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/jazairhope.org\/?p=97595"},"modified":"2024-01-19T15:40:42","modified_gmt":"2024-01-19T14:40:42","slug":"elizabeth-m-perego-humor-and-power-in-algeria-1920-to-2021","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jazairhope.org\/en\/elizabeth-m-perego-humor-and-power-in-algeria-1920-to-2021\/","title":{"rendered":"Elizabeth M. Perego, Humor and Power in Algeria, 1920 to 2021"},"content":{"rendered":"

Elizabeth M. Perego,\u00a0<\/strong>Humor and Power in Algeria, 1920 to 2021<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Indiana University Press, 2023).<\/strong><\/p>\n

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Elizabeth Perego (EP):<\/strong>\u00a0Early coursework on African-American and Soviet history piqued my interest in \u201chidden transcripts\u201d and how subaltern populations tell their stories while living under oppression. When I started to delve more into the history of post-independence Algeria, I was struck by how widespread and nuanced political humor was in the country across different periods and how humorous cultural products\u2014like jokes, cartoons, play scripts, political chants, songs, and so on\u2014contained narratives with multilayered and powerful meanings. An examination of writings from Algerian scholars, artists, and even government figures showed that they considered humor an important genre of cultural expression, but previous literature on humor in Algeria focused on humor expressed through one specific format (theater, songs, jokes, cartoons). I also knew that humor had historically constituted a critical tool that populations in other parts of the Maghrib had wielded to transmit strong messages about important subjects so that a project on political humor could have regional as well as local and global implications. At the same time, I realized the necessity of seeking out alternative archives, beyond state-controlled repositories and written documents, for reconstructing more politically contentious periods of Algeria\u2019s history in line with Omnia El Shakry\u2019s and Malika Rahal\u2019s observations about postcolonial archives. Humor appeared to be such an archive that contained a myriad of narratives steeped in emotion and expressed through poignant language.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

<\/i><\/p>\n

Humor and Power is the first book in Middle Eastern and African studies to look at changes in engagement with political humor over a long period.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

<\/i><\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?<\/strong><\/p>\n

EP:<\/strong>\u00a0The book examines changes in different Algerian communities\u2019 employment and consumption of humor across key moments of the country\u2019s recent past. Given the intensity and length of the country\u2019s occupation and Algeria\u2019s storied revolution against that occupation, humor\u2019s role as a form of discourse of anticolonial resistance comes out prominently in the book. I also strive to see how various individuals used humor to reinforce communal bonds and respond to peaceful moments in the country\u2019s history.\u00a0Humor and Power<\/em>\u00a0additionally illustrates how states and populations\u2014even those sometimes wrongly considered as lacking in humor, such as Islamists\u2014all recognized humor\u2019s power to rally populations behind a cause or to convince them of the righteousness of a policy. Given the seriousness of the Algerian Revolution, readers may be surprised to learn how quickly the post-independent state, along with artists, moved to create comedy about the revolution, including two spoofs on Gillo Pontecorvo\u2019s\u00a0The Battle of Algiers<\/em>. Since Algeria\u2019s October 1988 Revolution, democratic opening, and 1990s civil conflict all represented points of rupture in how Algerian communities employed political humor, a good portion of the book discusses these events as well. The book then ends with Algeria\u2019s 2019\u00a0Hirak\u00a0<\/em>(\u201cmovement\u201d) for political change, in which Algerians widely adopted humor as a sign of pacifist resistance and Algerian-ness, demonstrating once more and to the world the centrality of humor to political discourse in the country.<\/p>\n

This work engages conversations underway in the field of humor studies and popular movements and politics in the Middle East and Africa, especially the Maghrib.\u00a0Humor and Power\u00a0<\/em>is the first book in Middle Eastern and African studies to look at changes in engagement with political humor over a long period. This approach allowed me to see how shifts in the use of humor indicated greater societal, political, or cultural developments. I also enter into a broad debate in humor studies as to the functionality of humor beyond its use as a tool of resistance, demonstrating that humor could perform multiple functions at once. Finally, I seek to contribute to Asef Bayat\u2019s concept of social non-movements\u2014groups who act in harmony in response to an issue despite not being linked through formal structures or communities and whom Bayat shows were critical players during the \u201cArab Spring\u201d\u2014by showing how humor can assist in their formation and mobilization.<\/p>\n

J: How does this book connect to and\/or depart from your previous work?<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

EP:<\/strong>\u00a0In general, I am interested in how cultural expressions of gender shape understandings of who should wield power and who should be excluded from it in the modern Maghrib. I had previously discussed these topics more openly by looking at representations of women and gender in Algeria through different media. These issues are alluded to in the book, but as humor can perform multiple functions simultaneously and deal with many subjects, this research forced me to think deeply about a variety of other issues such as social and political identity, social mobilization and revolution, virtual justice, and imagined communities.<\/p>\n

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to?<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

EP:<\/strong>\u00a0Beyond Algerian historiography and postcolonial studies, the work draws from and contributes to humor studies and humor theory, Middle East studies, African studies, and conversations surrounding historical methodologies. I hope that scholars from across these fields find useful material here. The book seeks to illustrate how populations excluded from power can use humor as a site of political engagement and commentary and a mechanism through which they can center their often underheard stories. Humor\u2019s inherent ambiguity can allow oppressed or marginalized populations a tool for communication that may not be legible to their oppressors.<\/p>\n

Humor constituted a whole vocabulary through which varying Algerian actors have sought to make claims about the nation, identity, and power. In turn, the historian finds in this humor evidence of lesser-told stories of creativity, animosity, community, and other phenomena that are sometimes harder to find in other sources. A poignant example of this ability to reveal stories not available through other archives came up in my work on jokes during the civil conflict. If the topic of rape and sexual assault of women was not discussed or acknowledged until later on in the conflict, sexual assault of men or how men responded to changes in gender relations remain very taboo topics. However, jokes do contain references to this violence, and as this work along with Abderrahmane Moussaoui\u2019s shows, might have permitted some men to express anxiety around these issues.<\/p>\n

J: What other projects are you working on now?<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

EP:<\/strong>\u00a0I have two active projects, both representing a return to work that focuses on gender and women\u2019s history.\u00a0The first, tentatively titled\u00a0Algerian Women in Conflict, 1954-2005<\/em>, will retrace how media coverage of Algeria\u2019s civil conflict of the 1990s primed global populations and governments to view Muslim women as the ultimate victims of and resistors to Islamic extremism on the verge of 9\/11 and the Global War on Terror, a vision of affairs that greatly influenced US policies in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as neo-Orientalism. Concerning Algeria\u2019s conflict, such narratives oversimplified the war\u2019s realities, obscuring how more men died in the conflict\u2019s initial years and how some women supported radical Islamist rebels. These narratives were also produced not only in foreign media that forwarded earlier colonial-era tropes of Muslim women as oppressed but also by Algerian actors who were trying to understand the armed struggle unfolding around them, a complexity that this work will explore. The project will also highlight the real lived experiences of Algerian women to unravel persistent stereotypes regarding gender in the region while tracing their impact on political actors, institutions, and decisions. The second book-length work,\u00a0Icons of Liberty: Algerian Female Figures on the International Stage,<\/em>\u00a0will examine how four individual Algeria women or groups of women (Djamila Bouhired, female state figures, Warda Al-Jazairia, and Hassiba Boulmerka) became symbols of decolonization and freedom during and after the Algerian Revolution. The goal of that project will be to continue work by scholars such as Sara Rahnama that maps feminist connections across the Global South while asking what it meant to be an Algerian female icon in the wake of the country\u2019s storied decolonization struggle and against a Cold War and late twentieth-century background.<\/p>\n

J: What did you learn from the experience of conducting oral histories with Algerian artists and authors for this project?<\/strong><\/p>\n

EP:<\/strong>\u00a0I stand in awe of the over fifty oral history narrators, mostly journalists and cartoonists, who chose to share their stories with me, particularly when opening up about difficult moments of trauma and loss. As the work shows, the 1990s conflict ripped apart the social fabric of many communities. Given these circumstances and that many journalists and artists were under threat, it was remarkable to hear of persistent creativity and dedication through some of the worst situations imaginable. I hope that this work helps to flesh out the voices represented in scholarship and literature about this period, shifting our focus away from the conflict\u2019s belligerents to the civilian majority who generally did not espouse violence and who struggled to make sense of it.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Except from the book (from Chapter Two: Humor in Rebellion and Uncertain Times, 1988 to 1992)<\/strong><\/p>\n

A guy goes to the doctor. He enters the office. \u201cMy head is exploding. When I sleep, the whole night I have a terrible headache, and when I turn over, I die.\u201d The doctor asks him, \u201cWhat\u2019s wrong? Why?\u201d \u201cIt\u2019s because of this democracy, doctor.\u201d The doctor says to him, \u201cDemocracy? How?\u201d The man replies, \u201cOh yes\u2026 before it was the dictatorship. People used to think for me (in my place). I was left alone. And now, all day long, I have to manage at work, in the caf\u00e9, everywhere, at home, with neighbors, everywhere people are asking me for my opinion. All day long, I have to get by as best as possible and me, I don\u2019t have an opinion! I have only the tiniest of opinions.\u201d He then proceeds to ask the doctor for medicine, at which point the medical provider explains that he has only one choice: \u201cThe solution\u2026 get 15 or 20 people together and form a party\u2026 the party MGMD: the\u00a0md\u012bg\u016b<\/em>t\u0323<\/em>iyy\u012bn\u00a0<\/em>(\u2018disgusted\u2019) with democracy party!\u201d<\/p>\n

W\u0101<\/em>h\u0323<\/em>id j\u0101 \u2018and\u00a0<\/em>al-t\u0323b\u012bb<\/em>\u00a0<\/em>\u2026.\u00a0<\/em>dkhal \u02bfand al-t\u0323b\u012bb<\/em>. \u201cR\u0101s\u012b r\u0101h\u00a0<\/em>yt\u0323art\u0323ag. M\u0101n\u012bsh narqud, l\u012bl k\u0101mil j\u2019ai un mal de t\u00eate terrible, l\u012bl k\u0101mil w-\u0101n\u0101 natqallab r\u0101h\u0323\u00a0nm\u016bt.\u201d Q\u0101l lu w\u0101sh bik wa\u2018l\u0101h? \u201cC\u2019est \u00e0 cause de la d\u00e9mocratie h\u0101diyya a-<\/em>\u1e6d<\/em>bib\u201d Q\u0101l lu, \u201cKif\u0101h la d\u00e9mocratie?\u201d Q\u0101l lu \u201cMais oui.\u201d Q\u0101l lu, \u201cBikr\u012b k\u0101nat la dictature. K\u0101n\u016b al-n\u0101s ykhamm\u016b (they thought) fi bl\u0101\u1e63t\u012b j\u2019\u00e9tais tranquille. W-durk al-nh\u0101r k\u0101mil w-an\u0101 ngamba\u1e63 f\u012b al-khadma, f\u012b al-qahwa, partout, f\u012b d\u0101r al-j\u012br\u0101n, partout on me demande mon avis w-al-nh\u0101r k\u0101mil w-an\u0101-ngamba\u1e63 w-an\u0101 j\u2019ai pas d\u2018avis \u016b-k\u012b yk\u016bn \u2018and\u012b un avis\u00a0<\/em>\u1e63<\/em>gh\u012bwar hakda [\u2026]. Wall\u0101h la d\u00e9mocratie gh\u012br \u2018deathmocratie.\u2019\u201d\u2026 Q\u0101l lu\u2026\u201cLa solution\u2026 lamm khams<\/em>t\u0323<\/em>\u0101sh will\u0101 \u2018ashr\u012bn k\u012bm\u0101 ant\u0101ya \u016b-d\u012br un parti, le parti MDGD le parti ta\u02bf al-md\u012bg\u016b\u1e6diyy\u012bn min la d\u00e9mocratie!\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Hit comedian Mohand Fellag recounted this joke as part of his 1990 stand-up routine entitled\u00a0SOS Labess\u00a0<\/em>(\u201cSave our ship\u00a0– everything is fine\u201d). The joke hints at three patterns concerning the use of humor during Algeria\u2019s brief democratic experiment from 1989 to 1992. First and foremost, as opposed to earlier moments of the country\u2019s post\u2013independence past, a freer humor flourished during this period of lighter censorship in forms never before seen in the country. While Rachid Ksentini had performed comedy routines in the 1920s and 1930s, these sketches were not nearly as overtly political as\u00a0SOS<\/em>. Comedy produced within print culture, especially cartoons and caricatures, demonstrated the more open atmosphere as the early 1990s marked the inauguration of non-state-controlled press outlets. The number of print outlets multiplied, allowing for the emergence of new artists ready to push taboos in this new, freer atmosphere.<\/p>\n

Secondly, comedians produced\u00a0work revealing a range of emotive responses to shifting political changes following Algeria\u2019s economic problems of the 1990s and a widespread anti-regime revolt in October 1988. Throughout Fellag\u2019s routine, he evokes skepticism when it comes to his country\u2019s ability to transition to democracy and a fear that the widening of the political field will give rise to Islamist hegemony. Only a moment after this joke, Fellag joshes that next year there may not be a March 8th\u00a0<\/sup>on the calendar in Algeria. This comment references the rising influence of the nation\u2019s new and most popular Islamist party, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS). Some Algerians thought the group stood against women\u2019s rights and, ergo, might oppose International Women\u2019s Day celebrations on March\u00a08th<\/sup>.<\/p>\n

Finally, this joke suggests that humor throughout this period reflected the presence of a more openly divided political sphere. Humorists such as joke-tellers and cartoonists crafted work seemingly intended to discredit political figures to the benefit of others, as evinced by Fellag\u2019s jab at the FIS. These artists also expressed their apprehension toward the political opening, a measure that they believed might not result in the oft-imagined Algerian \u201cpeople\u201d taking up the reins of power. Their disbelief is echoed in the doctor\u2019s suggestion of adding a party to an already crowded field as well as the patient\u2019s expressed distaste for the democratic opening.\u00a0\u00a0Politics in Algeria at the time, Fellag suggests, could make one\u2019s head hurt. The next section of\u00a0SOS labess\u00a0<\/em>sees Fellag laughingly bemoan that democracy in the country, unlike in Eastern Europe where similar openings were taking place, will result in an implosion rather than an explosion, with Algeria collapsing in upon itself.<\/p>\n

As opposed to the larger patterns of \u201cnationalizing\u201d political humor that reigned from the 1920s through the 1980s, humor makers from the October 1988 Revolution\u00a0and subsequent democratic transition appear not to have sought to bring citizens together into a larger Algerian community. Rather, as this chapter argues, this humor in various comic sources bore witness to and possibly worsened divisions in Algeria as roiling identity politics moved from the margins to the center and the one-party regime made way for the inauguration of a multiparty system. Humor from 1988 to 1992 still helped to foster communal belonging as \u201cAlgerian-izing\u201d humor from the interwar period through the 1980s had. This time, however, humor may have played a stronger role in fostering divisions between different political camps.<\/p>\n

Political humor flourished during the period spanning the October 1988 Revolution through the government\u2019s interruption of the first open, multiparty parliamentary elections that the country had ever witnessed in January 1992. For five days in October 1988, scores of mainly young men in many of Algeria\u2019s urban centers took to the streets. They railed against corruption and the disdain that they believed the state and country\u2019s kleptocratic elite had shown them. In response to these events, and as a way of revamping and reforming the longstanding single party — the National Liberation Front (FLN) — then-president Chadli Benjedid ended the FLN\u2019s monopoly over formal political power in the country, overseeing changes to the constitution in 1989. These amendments allowed political opponents to create a never-before-seen multiparty system in Algeria.<\/p>\n

The January 1992 action on the part of the military to keep the FIS out of the government ushered in a period of increasing political violence and uncertainty and the expansion of armed dissident ranks against the state. Jacob Mundy has argued against 1992 as the starting point for the conflict of the 1990s.\u00a0\u00a0Yet, this moment witnessed a stark the start of a stark constriction of spaces for free expression. Humor from the 1988 Revolution and \u201cdemocratic transition\u201d through January 1992 attested to the period\u2019s more open atmosphere, one still replete with mounting friction over who would control the system now that its rules had changed. Therefore, this period\u2019s humor generally worked differently from both the humor that preceded as well as followed it once insurgents entered into open warfare against the state that had canceled elections to prevent a FIS victory.<\/p>\n

Asef Bayat\u2019s concept of \u201csocial non\u2013movements\u201d illuminates how communities can come together and act in similar ways despite lacking preexisting connections, a useful notion for comprehending political humor\u2019s functionality as Algerians coalesced in more public ways to discuss national politics. Bayat defines \u201csocial non\u2013movements\u201d as groups of individuals working toward similar political goals in a decentralized, \u201cquiet\u201d manner. In Algeria, political humor from 1988 to 1992 appears to have assisted in facilitating common actions on the part of citizens who may have never met, but who through shared codes like jokes came to adopt the same political stances. They could in turn use these symbols to demonstrate their political affiliations. The case of political humor in Algeria from October 1998 and the democratic opening illustrates that humor may be able to shape social non\u2013movements in powerful ways that Bayat has briefly evoked. What is more, formal movements from across Algeria\u2019s political spectrum also used comedy as part of their discursive repertoire for convincing fellow Algerians to support their camp, following an earlier practice of using humor in ideological messaging.<\/p>\n

An analysis of this humor highlights the emotional responses of at least some Algerians to one of the most misunderstood, but crucial, periods in Algeria\u2019s past, one that some Algerians today view as their \u201cArab Spring\u201d revolt and accompanying opening. Post hoc accounts of this era mainly view it as a prelude to the later civil conflict. A slower reconstruction of humor from different moments during these tense years demonstrates how communities emotionally lived events in real time. For instance, anger at the FLN did not instantly translate to mass portions of the population turning to the FIS; instead, the latter party had to win followers over through language, the provision of services that the government failed to ensure, and appeals to emotion. A reading of the texts produced by and about varying political groups shows where and among whom some messages landed and others were rejected. Humor could thus inspire individuals to join movements or social non\u2013movements dedicated to effecting change.<\/p>\n

Source : https:\/\/www.jadaliyya.com\/Details\/45708\/Elizabeth-M-Perego,-Humor-and-Power-in-Algeria,-1920-to-2021-New-Texts-Out-Now<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Elizabeth M. Perego,\u00a0Humor and Power in Algeria, 1920 to 2021\u00a0(Indiana University Press, 2023). Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?\u00a0 Elizabeth…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":50,"featured_media":97596,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[10,4,14],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-97595","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-art","category-featured-articles","category-historyheritage"],"yoast_head":"\nElizabeth M. 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